Confident supporters of the legislature tend to be more educated people, managers or professionals, people with higher income and citizens having rather secular orientation. As expected, the relationship between legislative and regime support is reciprocal, although the support for legislatures is much more a consequence than a cause of support for the regime .
According to Rose (1994), distrust in institutions in Eastern Europe is prevailing. Russians tend to distrust most the political parties (93%), which can be linked to the argument presented above. Then come the Supreme Soviet (80%), local governments (79%) and trade unions (with 76% of distrust). Russians rather trust their army (62%). Apart from traditional authorities, people do trust media very much. Television channels, newspapers and radio stations are free to report frankly and comment freely on national affairs, thus earning the support of the public.
The most striking and partly counter-productive distrust in transforming countries is the hatred and distrust in rich people. The new wealth of businessmen is not seen as (and often really is not) the result of their providing better or cheaper goods or services in the market. Instead, most people believe that new millionaires became wealthy by exploiting and deceiving. This disbelieve is dangerous, because it assumes that success of one can be achieved only by dishonest to others, leaving “honest” people poor and suffering.

Trust and Corruption
That corruption destroys general trust is widely known. If we are to pay a clerk for a favor that he is obliged to do without a bribe, we can’t trust the system he is part of. If it’s possible for a lobby to pay for an unfair (or against a fair) law, parliament cannot be trusted. When officials are corrupt, they betray the trust bestowed on them by the citizenry. Similarly, if corruption prevails in courts, uncertainty is introduced into the market reducing the incentives for real business, leaving thus the nation trapped in inefficiency.
Level of corruption in post-communist societies is significantly high. On a scale from 0 to 10 (0 reflecting the maximally corrupt country) rank Eastern European states from Slovenia with an index of 6.0 (ranking 27 among 102 studied countries ) to Moldova with 2.1 (rank 93).